Who Is Green Point Group?
A closer look at the Miami consulting firm paid by both the Henriquez campaign and the Niles-run shadow PAC, and its history of hardball political campaigns for Florida Republican candidates.
KEY WEST, Fla. — The most expensive mayoral race in Key West history is being shaped by a Miami political firm almost nobody on the island has heard of — a company with no listed phone number, a one-page website with dead links, no contact info and no about information but a client list that includes two convicted politicians and the campaign arm of Florida’s Senate Republicans.
Green Point Group, Corp. has collected $61,142.82 this cycle from both sides of the same ledger — $43,747.96 from Mayor Danise Henriquez’s re-election campaign and $17,394.86 from Families & Friends for the Keys, the political committee chaired by Jack Niles that has attacked her opponent, according to campaign finance reports filed with the Key West city clerk and the Florida Division of Elections.
Under Florida law, an expenditure made by a vendor under contract with a candidate in the same election period is not considered independent — and coordinated spending counts as an in-kind contribution, capped at $1,000 in Key West municipal races. The PAC’s payments to Green Point exceed that limit more than 17 times over if the spending is found to be coordinated.
So who is Green Point Group?
A COMPANY THAT IS HARD TO FIND
On paper, the firm is 15 years old. Florida corporate records show Green Point Group, Corp. was registered Jan. 25, 2011, with Jose Luis Castillo as president and Lourdes Maria Alard as vice president. Neither has any discernible public profile — no press interviews, no professional biographies, no published client roster.
Lourdes Maria Alard (Castillo) is or was married to Jose Luis Castillo (Eggermont), and both are currently listed on LinkedIn in their respective positions at Green Point — which is confirmed on her personal Facebook page. Although sparse, it has more information about the political power couple than the internet.
The firms registered agent, Gustavo Viera, is a CPA that runs a firm called Accountants in Miami at 8950 Southwest 74th Court, Miami, FL 33156 according to its website. No such business exists at that location, which is a strip mall. A further records search via Florida’s Sunbiz.org shows Viera’s company at 8950 Southwest 74th Court, Miami, FL 33156 — in a large house in a residential neighborhood.
Green Point’s official address in state records is even less substantial: since 2018, the company’s principal office, mailing address and registered agent have all been listed at Suite 260, 14629 SW 104th St., Miami — a rented parcel box inside UPS Store #3577. The only phone number publicly listed for Green Point in any search is that of Viera’s accounting practice. Calls to that number were not returned during normal business hours.
The company’s website, greenpointgroupflorida.com, is a single page built on a do-it-yourself platform. It promises “Political Strategy — Government Relations — Brand Positioning — Communications” and invites visitors to “book your seat.” The About Us and Contact links go nowhere. There is no client list, no staff, no address, no email. The copyright line reads 2025 — suggesting a firm that had billed Florida campaigns for more than a decade got around to a website only last year.
It is the equivalent of a single lightbulb dangling woefully from a bare ceiling.
A $2.4 MILLION LEDGER
The paper trail tells a different story than the empty storefront. State campaign finance records compiled by Transparency USA show Florida committees and candidates have paid Green Point more than $2.35 million since 2017 — none of it in Key West until now.
The firm’s biggest client, at $1.25 million, is the Florida Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee, the official campaign arm of the state Senate’s GOP majority, with most of the billings during the 2018 cycle. The Republican Party of Florida paid the firm $64,868. The Florida House Republican Campaign Committee paid $50,000.
Two of the firm’s former clients are now convicted felons. Frank Artiles, who paid Green Point for canvassing and printing in his 2016 state Senate race, was convicted in 2024 for his role as architect of the “ghost candidate” scheme that swung a Miami-Dade Senate seat by 32 votes; he was sentenced to 60 days in jail and banned from politics. Former U.S. Rep. David Rivera, who paid the firm $12,705 during his 2018 comeback attempt, was convicted by a federal jury in May of laundering money and acting as an unregistered foreign agent under a secret $50 million lobbying contract with Venezuela’s state oil company. His former roommate, Secretary of State Marco Rubio testified on his behalf prior to being convicted. He currently awaits sentencing without bail.
There is no allegation that Green Point participated in either man’s crimes. But the firm’s ledger places it, again and again, inside the network of consultants and committees where Florida’s roughest campaigns are made.
NO STRANGER TO THE KEYS
Green Point has worked Monroe County before. The firm collected $211,000 running the ground game for Rhonda Rebman Lopez in her back-to-back Republican primary challenges to state Rep. Jim Mooney — races she lost by 148 votes in 2020 and by roughly 90 votes in 2022.
Both contests turned ugly. The 2020 race produced a state elections complaint over claims that Lopez held multiple homestead exemptions — a complaint the Florida Elections Commission dismissed as legally insufficient. In 2022, the Florida House Republican Campaign Committee ran television ads repeating the homestead claim anyway; Lopez threatened a slander suit and publicly called the attacks corruption. A separate false ad targeting Mooney, funded by a committee run by Democratic operatives, was pulled off the air after his attorney proved it false.
Two years later, campaign records show, the same House Republican committee that attacked Green Point’s client became a Green Point client itself — paying the firm $50,000 in the 2024 cycle.
The pattern repeats across the firm’s portfolio.
In a 2018 Miami-Dade Senate race, a committee that paid Green Point also funded a deceptive mailer that the opposing campaign called “an outright lie.” In each case, Green Point was the vendor of record for canvassing and mail — the invoices do not show the firm authoring the attacks themselves.
What makes Key West different is that, for the first time in any race reviewed for this story, the invoices put the same firm on the payroll of a candidate and of the political committee attacking her opponent — simultaneously.
FOLLOW THE REFERRAL
How does a Key West mayor find a well-connected campaign consulting firm that is hardwired into the Republican ecosystem when they operate out of an obscure UPS Store in Miami and doesn’t even have its own phone number publicly associated with it?
The campaign’s own reports suggest an answer. Henriquez’s second-quarter filing shows a $2,600 payment to Data Targeting Inc. of Gainesville — the firm of Pat Bainter, long the chief consultant to Florida’s Senate Republicans. His firm conducted push-poles that were not well received by voters early on in the campaign to determine talking points for Henriquez‘s campaign in 2026 and had been a vendor during her 2024 effort. A push—poll is used to trick and persuade voters rather than collect real data using biased, false, or negative leading questions to damage an opponent’s reputation and possibly be used to develop smear messages like those being funded by Niles’ shadow PAC.
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Bainter’s firm paid Artiles $90,000 and wired $100,000 to the dark-money nonprofit that seeded the 2020 ghost-candidate scheme, according to sworn deposition testimony; Bainter was never charged.
Data Targeting and Green Point are longtime co-vendors inside the Senate GOP’s campaign ecosystem, drawing $1.98 million and $1.25 million respectively from the same committee in the 2018 cycle. A municipal campaign hiring both firms at once points toward a referral through that network — one that already knew the Keys from the Rebman Lopez races.
THE MONEY STILL MOVING
Jack Niles controlled PAC Families & Friends for the Keys reported raising $51,270 — including $15,000 from Spottswood interests, $15,000 from the Walsh family’s Ocean Properties hotels, $10,000 from Historic Tours of America and $10,000 from developer Jeffry Cornfeld. It has reported spending $17,415.96, all of it to Green Point in four payments dated the same day, July 22. That leaves $33,854.04 the committee has raised but not yet reported spending.
The committee registered with the Division of Elections in Tallahassee rather than with the Key West City Clerk, where Florida law directs committees active only in a municipal race to file — a choice that kept its reports 500 miles from the voters it targets.
Even if the PAC were helping other candidates in the City or County — as it appears to be doing with District V City Commissioner Greg Sullivan — Niles likely should have registered the group in Key West.
Calls to Green Point Group were not retuned and the firm did not respond to a request for comment made through its registered agent’s office. Neither Castillo nor Alard could be reached directly; the firm publishes no contact information.
But UPS Store #3577 did answer the phone — saying only they could not release information about those leasing parcel boxes.
This is more than an evolving story. Above the Fold will be taking a look at the money and the players behind the most expensive election in the City of Key West. Watch this space.
BACKGROUND
Shadow PAC and Mayor’s Campaign Exposed Paying Same Miami Political Firm; Walsh Hotel Empire Pumps $15,000 Into Niles Operation.
Ed. Note: This content is not affiliated with, authorized by, endorsed by or produced on behalf of any candidate, campaign or political committee in Monroe County.
THE LAW IS CLEAR: How Florida’s Campaign Coordination Statutes Could Unravel the Henriquez-Niles PAC Connection
KEY WEST, Fla. — When Above the Fold revealed Monday that Mayor Danise Henriquez’s re-election campaign and the shadow PAC controlled by former businessman and avid Conch athletic supporter Jack Niles both paid the same Miami political consulting firm more than $61,000 combined, the story documented a financial relationship that had never been publicly disclosed.
Dirty dirty dirty. Thank you for your investigative reporting.